Religiosity in the IIIrd Reich

There are not too many available studies in English language about the involvement of German churches on behalf of the Nazi ideology. The German approaches are, for various reasons (loyalty towards their faith being one of them), outlining the diversity of situations therefore, the impossibility of an unique verdict. Frequently, the dissent among the Protestant denominations - like the case of the Lutheran theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer - is mentioned, with many example of priests that actually ended up in the concentration camps.  

The recent book by Manfred Gailus, a researcher in this domain, Gläubige Zeiten. Religiosität im Dritten Reich - which I will freely translated as Worshipping Times. Religiosity in the Third Reich - outlines the various nuances and different directions that were followed or changed during those times. 

1933 represented for many of the German-speaking religious nominations a time of challenge. Some religious interpretations pledged the cause of a Messianic leader  while some through the very lenses of religious thinking openly rejected the religious interpretation of political events. There is definitely a chore anti-Semitic red thread in various interpretations - from Luther onwards or even earlier - that may continue until today and that were serving as encouragement for political persecutions. 

Not few members of the elites of the IIIrd Reich were Catholic - Hitler himself, Himmler as well - and remained so until the end of the war although there were opinions among the German Church leaders who actually forbade any involvement on behalf of the political establishment. 

Mentioning facts and events, the book by Manfred Gailus helps to see the situation in a more diverse way. The level of involvement on behalf of and support for the Nazi regime should be evaluated on a case-by-case basis. The geography, social structure and political history of the different German regions should be taken into consideration, as well as personal ambitions and personalities of some religious leaders, as well as their direct connections with the Nazi establishment. 

Last but not least, Christianity itself in Germany was under relative threat by the movement created by Jakob-Wilhelm Hauer - Deutsches Glaubensbewegung -  /German Faith Movement/ - incorporated ancient, pre-Christian practices and symbolism, suited for the emotionally appealing Nazi doctrine.

There is very much left to be said, and access to archives as well as a less-belief-based, more scientifically oriented research will lead in a more dramatic way to a more clear picture of the religious landscape during those times and eventually, the hidden global connections - for instance, the help provided by Catholic representatives in Latin American countries for Nazi fugitives.

Both the methodological approach of the book and the factual repertoire of the book can be used for new directions and topics of research. Personally, I was expecting more documents and proper references including through official publications and public declarations, among others. Those expectations put aside, the research can be used as an example in approaching other establishment-oriented religious encounters with politics, no matter the religion and no matter the colour of the politics.

The Forgotten Yemen

The Houthi-led conflict in Yemen reached the stage of a global humanitarian crisis threatening the regional political and social stability in the region, but equally destroying the basis of Yemen as a country. Although currently overshadowed by the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, this crisis has the potential to affect both the country itself and the region in its entirety. 

The participants at the international conference ´Legal, Political and Economic Dimensions of Extermism&Terrorism in the Middle East and the implications on regional and global Peace & Security. Confronting the Houthi Militia - the Interests and Responsibilities of the International actors´ held on June 1st in Berlin, outlined the need of continuing the humanitarian support of food, water and other supplies to the population affected by the crisis while trying to bring the belligerent parties to the negotiation table. Although acknowledging that there is ´no quick and easy solution´ to the conflict, the international decision makers should assume responsibility and use all the possible diplomatic tool in order to achieve social and political stability.

Ibrahim Jalal, research fellow at the Yemeni Policy Center, co-founder of the Security Distillery and scholar at the Middle East Institute´s (MEI) Gulf Affairs and Yemen Program, said that the ´death-focused ideology´ of the Iran-supported Houthi created a crisis on multiple folds: around one million landmines across the country; a collapse of education with the schools currently preponderantly promoting radical ideologies of the Houthi and with schools turned into military facilities; militarization of hospitals; the collapse of civil society; a supremacist/chauvinistic ideology. In his opinion, there is an open question what kind of Yemen the international community wants: one radicalized or one with a vibrant and safe civil society and political system in general.

There are noticeable ´transnational threats emanating from the Houthi movement´ explained Dr. Hans-Jakob Schindler, Senior Director of the Counter Extremism Project (CEP). Although Iran´s support for Houthi is at a lower level compared to its regular support for another destabilizing actor in the region, Hezbollah, since 2015 a considerable amount of funding and ammunition is channeled to the Houthi militias. Yemen is becoming a testing ground of Hezbollah weaponry, he mentioned, and it possibly can act at Tehran´s orders in case of a conflict between Iran and Israel. As the attack against the Abu Dhabi airport showed at the beginning of this year, the Houthi targets can reach far beyond the Saudi Arabia. The instability induced by the Houthi is equally a threat to the international shipping system and do support the so-called ´axis of resistance´ movement, threatening US, Israel and Saudi Arabia, among others, through kidnappings and targeted terrorist attacks in the region and abroad. 

In the opinion of Schindler who was involved on behalf of Germany in the negotiations, JCPOA - the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or the so-called ´Iran deal´ - was at the time a diplomatic solution to a pressing solution with clear terms defining the difference between nuclear programs for domestic means and one aimed to develop military capabilities. At the same time, it allowed the further maintaining of sanctions therefore operational in containing the Iranian regime and implicitly its regional ambitions in Yemen and elsewhere.

According to Hon. Frank Müller-Rosentritt, member of the German Parliament and the Foreign Affairs Committee, the Houthi organisation should have been declared as a terrorist organisation in Germany ´long ago´. Meanwhile, he mentioned Germany´s permanent involvement in Yemen in terms of providing humanitarian assistance and civilian protection. Currently, Germany is the third largest humanitarian donor to Yemen. However, a stronger condemnation of the Houthis on behalf of the authorities in Berlin, including through a complex system of sanctions, similar with the one used for Russia, can prevent the further regional threats and further deterioration of the human rights situation. 

´Right now, there is only one war to discuss, the other wars go beyond the door´ outlined Tobias Pflüger, deputy leader of the Left Party - die LINKE. He said that although finding a solution to the current crisis is not so easy given the local and geopolitical aspects, negotiation is very important and so is a wider media coverage of the situation on the ground. In his opinion, the local media has a limited interest, if any, in featuring the continuous crisis created by the Houthis.

As a former political detainee with the Houthis, Jamal Al-Maamari echoed a similar opinion. Abducted for 1114 in Sana´a between 2015 and 2016, brutally tortured and paralyzed due to the inhuman conditions he was the victim thereof, Al-Maamari added that the crimes of the Houthis are rarely documented in the media. As a civil activist he is sharing his story and many others, hoping that the culprits will be prosecuted by the International Criminal Court in The Hague. During his kidnapping, he witnessed the killing of at least one American hostage stating that there are tens of thousands of academics, journalists and civil activists from Yemen and abroad in Houthis prisons, ´no one is looking for them´. 

The one-day event was organised by the ICD Academy for Cultural Diplomacy and The European Organization for Intercultural Dialogue. The conference ´Legal, Political and Economic Dimensions of Extremism&Terrorism in the Middle East and the implications on  regional and global peace&security. Confronting the Houthi militia - the interests and responsibilities of the international actors´ brought together experts and stakeholders in Germany and the Middle East. 

The aim of the conference was to shed light on the internal dynamics and the religious, political and territorial ambitions of the Houthi movement, as an insight into ways of dealing with the group and to stimulate the discussions on the interests and responsibilities of the international actors in approaching and confronting this group. The participants equally mentioned the importance of international efforts and cooperation to act against the ongoing international law and human rights violations, supporting the development in Yemen and restoring the stability and peace to the country. 

Since the start of Yemen´s civil war between the Hadi-led Yemeni government and the Houthi armed movement in 2014, a major humanitarian crisis is unfolding, considered one of the worst in the world, the result of widespread hunger and diseases and constant attacks on civilians. Tens of thousands of people were killed during the conflict. Additionally, according to international reports, the Houthis have reportedly conscripted more than 30,000 child soldiers. Those children are used as soldiers, as well as war-related activities, such as planting and clearing landmines or acting as guards. 

The list of participants included Mark Donfried, director of the ICD Academy for Cultural Diplomacy, Ibrahim Jalal, research fellow the Yemen Policy Center, dr. Hans-Jakob Schindler, the senior director of the Counter Extremism Project (CEP), Hon. Frank Müller-Rosentritt, MdB, member of the German Parliament and member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Tobias Pflüger, deputy leader of DIE LINKE, Dr. Didem Aydurmus, member of DIE LINKE and faculty member of the ICD Academy for Cultural Diplomacy, Mr. Jamal Al-Maamari, former political detainee with the Houthis, as well as members of the diplomatic corp, journalists and civil activists.

The European Organization for Intercultural Dialogue aims at offering a basis of dialogue between cultures and civilizations trying to find common diplomatic ways to tackle with regional and international issues such as terrorism, migration and the religious extremism.

Yemen Divided

The internal context and history of Yemen is rarely mentioned, which deprives the reader non-familiar with the topic to better understand the regional challenges and stakes of the conflict. Yemen Divided by Noel Brehony is focused on the internal dynamics between the two Yemen during the Cold War as well as the regional developments.

Far from being exclusively a conflict of resources, it is worth to mention nevertheless that Yemen´s most productive oil fields are situated in the South, which once used to be part of a Marxist-oriented republic. The South particularly has a strategic location in the Middle East, hence the fact that alhtough the communist South Yemen used to have around 1,000 Soviet, East European and Cuban economic advisers, it also has as main trade partners developed capitalist countries like UK or Japan. The resources did not help the citizens of the country to enjoy a higher standard of life; at the end of the 1980s, PDRY was considered one of the least developed countries in the world.

Religious and tribal elements still at work, as the Houthi conflict as well as local cultural habits - such as the qat/khat consumption - may complicate at different extent a long term political settlement. From the religious point of view, the approaches in the South were not dramatically anti-religious. For instance, Islam continued to be the official religion and taught in school, but overall it was considered a private matter, without a direct involvement of the religious establishment into the everyday state problems.

Saudi´s interests in Yemen originate far beyond the current conflict. For instance, King Faisal was against the British retreat from Aden and during the division, supported and hosted Radio Free South Yemen, a radio station which was openly against the communist regime in Aden. Many Yemeni used to work and live in Saudi, and only the stance of Yemen on behalf of Saddam Hussein during the invasion of Kuwait put a dramatic halt on it. Following the support for the dictator in Baghdad, as many as 1.42 million Yemenis from Saudi returned.

Yemen get reunited in 1990, the same year Germany was reunited. However, although an important regional player, Yemen got very limited coverage and unfortunately this is happening until now, despite the terrible crimes committed there and the unfolding humanitarian crisis.

Yemen Divided is a comprehensive analyisis