Religiosity in the IIIrd Reich

There are not too many available studies in English language about the involvement of German churches on behalf of the Nazi ideology. The German approaches are, for various reasons (loyalty towards their faith being one of them), outlining the diversity of situations therefore, the impossibility of an unique verdict. Frequently, the dissent among the Protestant denominations - like the case of the Lutheran theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer - is mentioned, with many example of priests that actually ended up in the concentration camps.  

The recent book by Manfred Gailus, a researcher in this domain, Gläubige Zeiten. Religiosität im Dritten Reich - which I will freely translated as Worshipping Times. Religiosity in the Third Reich - outlines the various nuances and different directions that were followed or changed during those times. 

1933 represented for many of the German-speaking religious nominations a time of challenge. Some religious interpretations pledged the cause of a Messianic leader  while some through the very lenses of religious thinking openly rejected the religious interpretation of political events. There is definitely a chore anti-Semitic red thread in various interpretations - from Luther onwards or even earlier - that may continue until today and that were serving as encouragement for political persecutions. 

Not few members of the elites of the IIIrd Reich were Catholic - Hitler himself, Himmler as well - and remained so until the end of the war although there were opinions among the German Church leaders who actually forbade any involvement on behalf of the political establishment. 

Mentioning facts and events, the book by Manfred Gailus helps to see the situation in a more diverse way. The level of involvement on behalf of and support for the Nazi regime should be evaluated on a case-by-case basis. The geography, social structure and political history of the different German regions should be taken into consideration, as well as personal ambitions and personalities of some religious leaders, as well as their direct connections with the Nazi establishment. 

Last but not least, Christianity itself in Germany was under relative threat by the movement created by Jakob-Wilhelm Hauer - Deutsches Glaubensbewegung -  /German Faith Movement/ - incorporated ancient, pre-Christian practices and symbolism, suited for the emotionally appealing Nazi doctrine.

There is very much left to be said, and access to archives as well as a less-belief-based, more scientifically oriented research will lead in a more dramatic way to a more clear picture of the religious landscape during those times and eventually, the hidden global connections - for instance, the help provided by Catholic representatives in Latin American countries for Nazi fugitives.

Both the methodological approach of the book and the factual repertoire of the book can be used for new directions and topics of research. Personally, I was expecting more documents and proper references including through official publications and public declarations, among others. Those expectations put aside, the research can be used as an example in approaching other establishment-oriented religious encounters with politics, no matter the religion and no matter the colour of the politics.

The Forgotten Yemen

The Houthi-led conflict in Yemen reached the stage of a global humanitarian crisis threatening the regional political and social stability in the region, but equally destroying the basis of Yemen as a country. Although currently overshadowed by the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, this crisis has the potential to affect both the country itself and the region in its entirety. 

The participants at the international conference ´Legal, Political and Economic Dimensions of Extermism&Terrorism in the Middle East and the implications on regional and global Peace & Security. Confronting the Houthi Militia - the Interests and Responsibilities of the International actors´ held on June 1st in Berlin, outlined the need of continuing the humanitarian support of food, water and other supplies to the population affected by the crisis while trying to bring the belligerent parties to the negotiation table. Although acknowledging that there is ´no quick and easy solution´ to the conflict, the international decision makers should assume responsibility and use all the possible diplomatic tool in order to achieve social and political stability.

Ibrahim Jalal, research fellow at the Yemeni Policy Center, co-founder of the Security Distillery and scholar at the Middle East Institute´s (MEI) Gulf Affairs and Yemen Program, said that the ´death-focused ideology´ of the Iran-supported Houthi created a crisis on multiple folds: around one million landmines across the country; a collapse of education with the schools currently preponderantly promoting radical ideologies of the Houthi and with schools turned into military facilities; militarization of hospitals; the collapse of civil society; a supremacist/chauvinistic ideology. In his opinion, there is an open question what kind of Yemen the international community wants: one radicalized or one with a vibrant and safe civil society and political system in general.

There are noticeable ´transnational threats emanating from the Houthi movement´ explained Dr. Hans-Jakob Schindler, Senior Director of the Counter Extremism Project (CEP). Although Iran´s support for Houthi is at a lower level compared to its regular support for another destabilizing actor in the region, Hezbollah, since 2015 a considerable amount of funding and ammunition is channeled to the Houthi militias. Yemen is becoming a testing ground of Hezbollah weaponry, he mentioned, and it possibly can act at Tehran´s orders in case of a conflict between Iran and Israel. As the attack against the Abu Dhabi airport showed at the beginning of this year, the Houthi targets can reach far beyond the Saudi Arabia. The instability induced by the Houthi is equally a threat to the international shipping system and do support the so-called ´axis of resistance´ movement, threatening US, Israel and Saudi Arabia, among others, through kidnappings and targeted terrorist attacks in the region and abroad. 

In the opinion of Schindler who was involved on behalf of Germany in the negotiations, JCPOA - the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or the so-called ´Iran deal´ - was at the time a diplomatic solution to a pressing solution with clear terms defining the difference between nuclear programs for domestic means and one aimed to develop military capabilities. At the same time, it allowed the further maintaining of sanctions therefore operational in containing the Iranian regime and implicitly its regional ambitions in Yemen and elsewhere.

According to Hon. Frank Müller-Rosentritt, member of the German Parliament and the Foreign Affairs Committee, the Houthi organisation should have been declared as a terrorist organisation in Germany ´long ago´. Meanwhile, he mentioned Germany´s permanent involvement in Yemen in terms of providing humanitarian assistance and civilian protection. Currently, Germany is the third largest humanitarian donor to Yemen. However, a stronger condemnation of the Houthis on behalf of the authorities in Berlin, including through a complex system of sanctions, similar with the one used for Russia, can prevent the further regional threats and further deterioration of the human rights situation. 

´Right now, there is only one war to discuss, the other wars go beyond the door´ outlined Tobias Pflüger, deputy leader of the Left Party - die LINKE. He said that although finding a solution to the current crisis is not so easy given the local and geopolitical aspects, negotiation is very important and so is a wider media coverage of the situation on the ground. In his opinion, the local media has a limited interest, if any, in featuring the continuous crisis created by the Houthis.

As a former political detainee with the Houthis, Jamal Al-Maamari echoed a similar opinion. Abducted for 1114 in Sana´a between 2015 and 2016, brutally tortured and paralyzed due to the inhuman conditions he was the victim thereof, Al-Maamari added that the crimes of the Houthis are rarely documented in the media. As a civil activist he is sharing his story and many others, hoping that the culprits will be prosecuted by the International Criminal Court in The Hague. During his kidnapping, he witnessed the killing of at least one American hostage stating that there are tens of thousands of academics, journalists and civil activists from Yemen and abroad in Houthis prisons, ´no one is looking for them´. 

The one-day event was organised by the ICD Academy for Cultural Diplomacy and The European Organization for Intercultural Dialogue. The conference ´Legal, Political and Economic Dimensions of Extremism&Terrorism in the Middle East and the implications on  regional and global peace&security. Confronting the Houthi militia - the interests and responsibilities of the international actors´ brought together experts and stakeholders in Germany and the Middle East. 

The aim of the conference was to shed light on the internal dynamics and the religious, political and territorial ambitions of the Houthi movement, as an insight into ways of dealing with the group and to stimulate the discussions on the interests and responsibilities of the international actors in approaching and confronting this group. The participants equally mentioned the importance of international efforts and cooperation to act against the ongoing international law and human rights violations, supporting the development in Yemen and restoring the stability and peace to the country. 

Since the start of Yemen´s civil war between the Hadi-led Yemeni government and the Houthi armed movement in 2014, a major humanitarian crisis is unfolding, considered one of the worst in the world, the result of widespread hunger and diseases and constant attacks on civilians. Tens of thousands of people were killed during the conflict. Additionally, according to international reports, the Houthis have reportedly conscripted more than 30,000 child soldiers. Those children are used as soldiers, as well as war-related activities, such as planting and clearing landmines or acting as guards. 

The list of participants included Mark Donfried, director of the ICD Academy for Cultural Diplomacy, Ibrahim Jalal, research fellow the Yemen Policy Center, dr. Hans-Jakob Schindler, the senior director of the Counter Extremism Project (CEP), Hon. Frank Müller-Rosentritt, MdB, member of the German Parliament and member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Tobias Pflüger, deputy leader of DIE LINKE, Dr. Didem Aydurmus, member of DIE LINKE and faculty member of the ICD Academy for Cultural Diplomacy, Mr. Jamal Al-Maamari, former political detainee with the Houthis, as well as members of the diplomatic corp, journalists and civil activists.

The European Organization for Intercultural Dialogue aims at offering a basis of dialogue between cultures and civilizations trying to find common diplomatic ways to tackle with regional and international issues such as terrorism, migration and the religious extremism.

Yemen Divided

The internal context and history of Yemen is rarely mentioned, which deprives the reader non-familiar with the topic to better understand the regional challenges and stakes of the conflict. Yemen Divided by Noel Brehony is focused on the internal dynamics between the two Yemen during the Cold War as well as the regional developments.

Far from being exclusively a conflict of resources, it is worth to mention nevertheless that Yemen´s most productive oil fields are situated in the South, which once used to be part of a Marxist-oriented republic. The South particularly has a strategic location in the Middle East, hence the fact that alhtough the communist South Yemen used to have around 1,000 Soviet, East European and Cuban economic advisers, it also has as main trade partners developed capitalist countries like UK or Japan. The resources did not help the citizens of the country to enjoy a higher standard of life; at the end of the 1980s, PDRY was considered one of the least developed countries in the world.

Religious and tribal elements still at work, as the Houthi conflict as well as local cultural habits - such as the qat/khat consumption - may complicate at different extent a long term political settlement. From the religious point of view, the approaches in the South were not dramatically anti-religious. For instance, Islam continued to be the official religion and taught in school, but overall it was considered a private matter, without a direct involvement of the religious establishment into the everyday state problems.

Saudi´s interests in Yemen originate far beyond the current conflict. For instance, King Faisal was against the British retreat from Aden and during the division, supported and hosted Radio Free South Yemen, a radio station which was openly against the communist regime in Aden. Many Yemeni used to work and live in Saudi, and only the stance of Yemen on behalf of Saddam Hussein during the invasion of Kuwait put a dramatic halt on it. Following the support for the dictator in Baghdad, as many as 1.42 million Yemenis from Saudi returned.

Yemen get reunited in 1990, the same year Germany was reunited. However, although an important regional player, Yemen got very limited coverage and unfortunately this is happening until now, despite the terrible crimes committed there and the unfolding humanitarian crisis.

Yemen Divided is a comprehensive analyisis

´In the Skin of a Jihadist´

By using a fake Facebook account, journalist Anna Erelle (for security and safety reasons, a pseudonym) tried the traps of the digital Jihadist propaganda. In the Skin of a Jihadist is her encounter as a pretender Islam convert based in France, a girl called Melodie, as she was flirting online with Bilel, the right hand of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the Daesh leader.

The initial aim was trying to understand the roots of digital Jihad, how young, often Western, girls and boys from the West are falling into the traps of the propaganda. How they cannot be horrified by the violent videos shared generously all over the social media channels? The distorted religious interpretations they are fed with do appeal a certain need of respect and balance for a loneliness and lack of belonging. 

´Melodie´ was easily caught into the net of macho pride and religious self-rightneousness. The fighter, who happen to have at least another wife, was at ease sharing information about the latest fights, as well as about the smuggling networks operating at the border between Turkey and Syria. 

What in my opinion, although the book has interesting testimonies about the psychology of the people involved in designing the Islamic state, it lacks details regarding the operations of the Jihad 2.0. Although it is hilarious to be shared details about how such a high profile Daesh fighter was longing for the fine lingerie distributed in the corrupt West, and the naive hurry of getting married online with a woman he hardly knew - despite the complex counter-spionage like teams Daesh used to have - I had the feeling that the author went way too much involved in the so-called romance. She haven´t fell in love, Gd forbid, but there is way too much space dedicated to the story instead of exploring a bit more the modus operandi, the agents and tools.

From the journalistic point of view, the book may also raise questions regarding the use of such methods in order to obtain information. We may be happy to read about such relevant details, but is this the real way to get it? Was it not possible to obtain them any other way?

In the Skin of a Jihadist by Anna Erelle - against whom there is a fatwa decision issued online - despite its shortcomings, is an important source of information about the mix between extreme movements and sophisticated online strategies, compromised by the very human feelings, such as longing for love, belonging and maybe some fine capitalist lingerie.

Book Review: Nazi Billionaires by David de Jong

 

German wealthy elites are discrete, rarely featured in the pages of the glossy local magazines for their outrageous parties and lavish lifestyle. One knows practically nothing about their girlfriends and boyfriends and love affairs. May it be the famous ´protestant ethic´ requiring a humble spirit, a lot of work and humility while trying to pay in this life for the original sin(s)? 

Such a naive view on German elites is shattered into little pieces by the excellent unique research by investigative journalist David de Jong: Nazi billionaires. The Dark History of Germany´s Wealthiest Dynasties. Those billionaires may be actually too ´brown´ to accept being too long under the limelights. 

A couple of ´Made in Germany´ brands, if not the most important, do have in fact, deep and trustworthy connections with the Nazi regime. By the way of family connections - De Quandt family, for instance, Porsche, Dr. Oetker - those rich and very private families hid for decades the truth about their past. A past that not only concerned them as individuals involved in the reproduction and operation of the Nazi regime - through production of weapons and direct financial support - but also by directly using forced labour and taking advantage of the ´Aryanization´ policies - looting properties from Jewish businesses. 

De Jong, who spent four years in Berlin documenting the book, authored the first extensive investigation in the English language. German media who may benefit of some support from one or more from those companies - including through media prizes awarded through foundations bearing the name of documented Nazis - rather prefers to put on hold any questions related to the ´brown heritage´. They knew it already and, as I´ve often heard on topics related to acknowledging the past, ´we rather move on´. 

German industrialists and the German industry as such, became prosperous, among others, following the Korean War and the further involvement in production of landmines used in the conflicts in Africa, among others. Thus, when I watch those days the pathetic discourses defending the German non-involvement in the war in Ukraine I can only feel nauseated by the falsity of this all.

Those ´charming industrialists´ and their second wives and many children, who were eventually cleaned from their crimes for reasons pertaining to the Cold War interests rarely assumed their past or even tried to fashion themselves as victims or resistants. And those deluding themselves into believing that the past should not become the obsession of the present, may want to hear that not few of those companies happen to offer substantial support to far right, neo-Nazi parties and causes.

Beyond the decryption of the current German economic elites, the book also raises serious questions about the possibilities of a transition from dictatorship to democracy depending upon the former elites. Can it be otherwise? Is there any chance of starting anew, without necessarily using the connections and influence of the compromised elites? Probably not at a great scale, but assuming the past can make a difference. Also, having criteria when it comes to accepting back into the ranks of the elites compromised individuals, especially those who in a way or another supported crimes and political corruption.

Nazi Billionaires is a revelation and important contribution to the study of contemporary elites, particularly in post-totalitarian context with a specific focus on Nazi Germany. 

Dr. Kylie Moore-Gilbert: The Uncaged Sky My 804 days in an Iranian Prison

For two years and 3 months, Australian academic Dr. Kylie Moore-Gilbert was held prisoner in Evin and Gharchak, after being arrested by Iran´s Revolutionary Guards. Convincted by a Kangaroo court for being a spy of the ´Zionist regime´ she was freed through a prisoner swap, in exchange for Guards´ people imprisoned in Thailand for plotting against Israeli interests.

Uncaged Sky, her account of 804 days spent in an Iranian prison is her story of what she went through those years, but also encounters with more or less famous political prisoners in Iran, such as Nasrin Sotoudeh - whom she taught English -, the French-Iranian academic Fariba Adelkhah, or the so-called group of the ´environmentalists´: young people aiming to save the badly affected Iranian fauna and flora, sent to prison and accused of being spies. She spotted Ruhollah Zam, the French-based journalist owner of a popular Telegram group, member of a religious family who was lured and kidnapped in Iraq and further executed.

Dr. Kylie Moore-Gilbert was initially condemned to ten years of prison. Her memoir is first and foremost a testimony of carceral literature. Although the veridicity of a memoir based purely on memories who were not written down with pen and paper may be highly problematic, the coping mechanisms with the limitations of life in prison as well as the interactions with her abusers. How one can survive in isolation, in a foreign country, with a limited language knowledge? She improved her Persian, a language that will remain, for the time being a language associated with her time in prison, used to convene her experience about those months. 

There is also another line of thought which results from the memoir: the unhappy meeting between academic research and political oppression. Academics may be suspected and doubted, some of them may play an extra-academic card, some of them may be just naive thinking that the police of mind will accept their arguments of pure academic research. Nothing is free of politics in such countries and academics may be careful to avoid getting involved in such skirmishes because their academic freedom is more important sometimes than the academic curiosity. Moore-Gilbert was lured without results more than once into becoming a spy for the Revolutionary Guards, with guaranteed participation to academic conferences, among others. She repeatedly refused.

On the other hand, I strongly believe that academics, especially those with an invested interest in contemporary politics, need to be aware of the risks involved by their research. Taking freedom abiding risks does not serve the accuracy of the research and puts the academic at risks that may pay off with the freedom of their academic critical thinking as well. 

The Wikipedia Story

 

Pavel Richter, the first CEO of Wikimedia Germany, systematically explans how Wikipedia works and what are its aims. It is a whole episode of human knowledge that was written with the creation of this online collaborative project. As in the case of other Encyclopedic endeavours, Wikipedia aims to offer a big slice of sharing knowledge to a larger amount of people. This happened before since the 18th century, but right now, it took over control of the information and Internet allowed it happened. 

In the old times, those who were written the various articles were well known and their credentials were well known among the elites sharing knowledge, Nowadays, the writers are mostly anonymous, they may have or may have not an academic degree and some of their private experience and opinions can be easily shared. There are students, and even authors, using Wikipedia sources as academic references but I know at least one teacher from a prestigious American university that abhorrs such a practice.

The knowledge disorder created by Wikipedia - useful still unreliable, extended knowledge as the result of global collaboration yet contested sources and information - is characteristic for the times we are living. Using Wikipedia as a source of information can be detrimental to knowledge, but learning how to use critically the sources shared online is part of the healthy use of the Internet in general. 

The Wikipedia story as shared by Richter is relatively general when it has to do with the story of the project in general - this is what Wikipedia is all about, anyway - but by far the most important part has to do with the particularities of the project in different languages - German, Chinese etc. It show how local legal and knowledge practices are reflected into the specific approach on certain topics - such as privacy issues etc. Wikipedia may feature the world global cultural knowledge, and it does, but in a way that brings in various differences and limitations.

Although I was maybe expected the book to be more informative, particularly in respect to various operational aspects of Wikipedia and its general structure, but nevertheless it has some relevant insights that are interesting to anyone looking to understand the current history of knowledge. 

´Le Naufrage des Civilisations´

 

Amin Maalouf is one of the most known - in translation - critical and lucid intellectuals from the Middle East. His lucidity, I think, is the result of his direct knowledge of historical facts of the contemporary Middle East. He was there, he saw it, he took part to the events. He is not observing from outside, watching the news from his couch. He is first there, living and breathing, and only after that he is sharing his views.

Le Naufrage des Civilisations is a collection of different essays about different historical life encounters, rooted in the Middle East. The events - the Six-Day War in 1967, the Iranian Revolution, the Cold War in South East Asia, the social and political changes underwent by Egypt, the war(s) in Lebanon - are placed into a larger historical and intellectual frame that may paint in the end a more disappointing and depressing landscape. The Middle East is suffering of a loser syndrome, at least some parts of it, particularly Lebanon. Maybe Iraq too. But there are part of it which are not included in the account and which are actually changing and do contradict the pessimistic narrative. There is modernity, at least in some part of it, and there are successful stories - partially, Jordan is an example as well. 

Although not a communist by principle, his perspectivea and information on the situation of the Communist movements in the Middle East during the Cold War are very useful for understanding at least part of this generational failure. The raise of the Talibans in Afghanistan and the hunting of Indonesian communists in the 1960s, a country with the thirds largest Communist Party in the world after the Soviet Union and China offers an extension of the outcome well outside the Middle Eastern realm. Thinking in terms of ´what if´ is a toxic intellectual habit, but nevertheless, without the turmoils created by the decades-long confronation between US and USSR, life would have been a better place. Maalouf does not dedicate at least the same amount of space to analyse the equally toxic influence of the Soviet Union in the Middle East and there is much more left to be said about the shortcomings of the local leadership, independently of the ´colonizer´ framework. However, it recognizes that both communism and anti-communist were equally a ´calamity´.

As I´ve read the book in the original French language, I can only add to the positive features of the book the beauty of the written words while maintaining the brevity and informative character. 

Le Naufrage des Civilisations is an important book for anyone looking for intellectual sources and resources about the Middle East. Although much more resources are needed about this topic in order to offer to the non-Arabic speaking reader a very comprehensive mindset about the historical and cultural complexities, it does offer a good ground for further building the necessary knowledge.